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See also: Public Call for Feedback: Draft Federal Non-Formal Education Policy 2025
The draft Federal Non-Formal Education (NFE) Policy 2025 release is timely and encouraging. It addresses one of Pakistan’s most critical educational challenges: the millions of children, youth, and adults who remain excluded from the formal schooling system. The policy acknowledges ground realities and offers a comprehensive vision grounded in urgency, inclusion, and innovation.
One of the most striking features is the attention given to adolescents aged 10 to 16. For too long, this age group has existed in a policy blind spot—considered too old for primary school and too young for adult literacy programmes. By placing them at the centre of the strategy, the policy breaks away from a one-size-fits-all approach and recognizes the need for tailored interventions that suit their unique circumstances.
The policy’s focus on rural girls and women is equally significant. It doesn’t merely mention their exclusion but proposes concrete strategies to bring them into the education system through flexible, safe, and culturally sensitive models. In areas like Balochistan, where female literacy remains alarmingly low, this is a crucial and overdue shift.
Another strong point is the introduction of ALP-Middle and Matric-level programmes, which create a complete learning pathway for those who finish ALP-Primary and wish to continue. These options are especially important in regions where access to secondary education is limited or non-existent.
The Recognition of Prior Learning (RPL) initiative is also a powerful inclusion. It opens formal pathways for individuals who have gained skills informally, enabling them to access further education or employment opportunities. If effectively aligned with vocational authorities and labour market needs, RPL could be transformative for millions.
Similarly, the Each One Teach One (EOTO) initiative adds a valuable element of community engagement and peer learning. If thoughtfully designed and supported, it has the potential to create vibrant, grassroots learning networks across communities.
One of the policy’s greatest strengths is its integration of skills training with literacy. This is particularly important for young people who often leave education because they don’t see its relevance to their livelihoods. By linking learning with economic opportunity, the policy enhances both retention and dignity.
The inclusion of marginalized groups—such as transgender learners, children with disabilities, and refugees—demonstrates that the policy aims not just to be inclusive in theory but intentional in practice. The real test, however, will be in translating these commitments into effective implementation.
While technology is rightly mentioned as a tool for expanding outreach, the focus should not be limited to digital platforms. In areas with weak internet access, it’s important to consider offline solutions, hybrid models, and community media to ensure no one is left behind.
The use of religious institutions, community spaces, and evening shifts is a practical and cost-effective strategy. However, the quality of facilitation, local ownership, and effective monitoring will be key to the success of this approach.
The policy’s call for a central NFE governance structure is welcome, but it must be backed by real authority, sufficient funding, and mechanisms for cross-provincial coordination. Without these, it risks becoming another bureaucratic layer rather than a driver of meaningful change.
Teacher quality is another critical area. While the policy acknowledges the need for professional development, more attention must be given to fair salaries, job security, and clear career pathways if we are to attract and retain skilled NFE educators.
The proposed financing targets—5 to 10 percent of the education budget—are ambitious and necessary. However, they must be accompanied by phased planning, strong political commitment, and transparent monitoring to ensure resources are effectively used.
Community involvement is a central theme of the policy, which is commendable. Yet this could be further strengthened by explicitly engaging grassroots organizations such as local support groups, youth associations, and women’s networks that already play vital roles in their communities.
There are, however, some notable gaps. The complete absence of mental health and psychosocial support is concerning, particularly for adolescent and adult learners who have experienced trauma, displacement, or chronic exclusion. Parental engagement also deserves greater emphasis—not just as a support measure but as a long-term strategy for transforming social norms around education.
The role of youth as educators, mentors, and mobilizers is another area with untapped potential. With proper training and support, Pakistan’s vast youth population can become a powerful force for expanding access to learning.
The lack of focus on emergency education is another shortfall. Given Pakistan’s recurring experience with floods, displacements, and other crises, there is an urgent need for mobile, flexible, and rapidly deployable learning models—yet these remain largely absent from the draft.
A particularly promising idea is linking literacy programmes with social protection schemes such as BISP, ration programmes, or Sehat Cards. Such linkages could boost enrolment and retention by embedding education within broader survival and mobility strategies.
While public-private partnerships are mentioned, they require a more clearly defined framework—with roles, responsibilities, risk-sharing, and accountability measures outlined to ensure they deliver results.
The emphasis on age-appropriate, localized, and skills-integrated curricula is welcome. However, there must also be space for innovation and cultural relevance, particularly in Pakistan’s linguistically and ethnically diverse landscape.
Assessment and certification systems are rightly prioritized, but a stronger link needs to be built between NFE credentials and entry into formal education or employment. Without that connection, learners risk remaining in a parallel system with limited mobility.
Finally, the policy would greatly benefit from a simplified, operational version. Civil society organizations, local officials, educators, and community volunteers all need clear, user-friendly tools to put the policy into practice.
In conclusion, the Federal NFE Policy 2025 signals a real shift in how we approach learning. It moves beyond simply counting schools and students to recognizing education as a right that must be flexible, inclusive, and relevant. It is a policy that sees people—not just statistics. What it needs now is collective ownership, political courage, and committed implementation.
About the Author
Zia ul Haq is the Founder and CEO of Insight Nexus (SMC-Private) Ltd, a development consultancy working across education, governance, and social accountability in Pakistan.
